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Opposition and the Judiciary in Nigeria

By Franklin Otorofani, Esquire
03.06.08

It was the late British Prime Minister during the 2nd World War—Sir, Winston Churchill, who with brutal candor took a hard look at democracy, and described it as the “worst form of government except for all the others.”

In one breath, Churchill was affirming the superiority of democracy over other systems of government its shortcomings notwithstanding while in another breath expressing his frustrations with democracy. The strength of democracy and therefore its supposed superiority lies for the most part in its participatory dimensions in the enterprise of governance by the generality of the citizenry through the instrumentality of the electoral subsystem that recruits the leadership cadres for the supra-system that animates and nurtures the subsystems. Such participation affords the people themselves the opportunity to own the government and therefore the decision making processes of leadership and governance.

Another alluring feature of democracy is its consensual character—at least in theory—which dictates that major public policies and programs are formulated and executed through constitutionally and legally imposed consensual imperatives as between and among the different branches of government constituted by the people themselves through the electoral machinery alluded to above. The inbuilt consensual mechanism in the democratic system is however a double-edged sword that works either way to promote and advance the cause of democracy and stability in the polity or undermine the very foundation of democracy itself.

Therefore by describing democracy in such unflattering terms, the former British Prime Minister was drawing attention to the inherent weaknesses of democracy and its excruciatingly slow and frustrating systemic processes many of which have the potentials of actually defeating the fundamental purposes and expressed objectives of governance itself if taken to extreme limits especially in societies rooted in the ethos of monarchical absolutism and/or military totalitarianism as evident in both pre-and post independence Nigerian history.

For example, the partisan gridlock in Congress orchestrated by “Contract with America” famed House Speaker, Newt Gingrich of the Republican Party during President Clinton’s first term in office, which was used to effectively shut down the US government in peace time is symptomatic of the congenital disease of democracy where the much vaunted consensual mechanism failed abysmally. That the government of an entire nation can be shut down by the stubborn refusal of an opposition-led Congress to appropriate funds for the executive arm to run the government, exposes one of the fundamental weaknesses of democracy as a system of government.

It’s not clear what an opposition-led National Assembly in Nigeria would do with its majority if given the chance. However, if any conclusion could be drawn from the experiences of PRP’s ex-governor Balarabe Musa of Kaduna state in the Second Republic during former President Shehu Shagari’ administration in the hands of the NPN controlled House of Assembly, and APGA’s governor Chris Obi of Anambra State during ex-President Obasanjo’s administration in the hands of the PDP led House of Assembly, it’s to the effect that no sooner would a President be sworn in, in Nigeria than an opposition-led National Assembly would immediately embark on the process of his impeachment! If ex-Speaker Ghali Na’Abba and former Senate President Pius Anyim were in charge of an opposition-controlled National Assembly, there would have been no second term for OBJ—in fact, there would have no first term either, and our democracy would have been long dead and buried!

And even now, were President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s PDP not in control of the National Assembly the nation would not have waited for the verdict of the Presidential Election Tribunal. An opposition controlled National Assembly would have, at the instigation of Abubakar Atiku and Muhammdu Buhari, consigned the Yar’Adua Presidency to the dustbin of history the very first day he was sworn in! In fact, Buhari and Atiku would not have even bothered to approach the Tribunal to help them throw Yar’Adua out of Aso Rock. And there is nothing Nigerians would have done about it!

If the United States with some three hundred years of democracy under her belt could still be plagued by such democratic infirmities think of what havoc the opposition would have wrought on the Nigerian polity if it were in control of the National Assembly. I shudder each time I think about it! I can tell you with absolute degree of certain of certainty that our young democracy would have long suffered untimely death in the hands of the opposition in control of the Nigerian Parliament. Thank goodness, for all its imperfections, PDP is in control of both the executive and legislative branches of government, and some might add, the judiciary as well thus affording Nigeria a shot at democratic continuity and some semblance of peace and stability.

Now, the ruling party has been called names for alleged disobedience of court orders especially during the previous administration of President Obasanjo. Yet it is to the eternal credit of that administration that the judiciary was given a free hand to administer justice without let or hindrance. The Nigerian judiciary has earned considerable amount of praise nationally and internationally most remarkably from the opposition in Nigeria on account of its landmark decisions which courageously reversed the actions and/or declarations of the Federal Government. The cases that readily come to mind would include the seizure of the statutory allocations of local governments of Lagos State; the declaration of Vice-President Abubakar Atiku’s tenure by the Court of Appeal as unimpeachable on account of his defection to another party; as well as the reversal by the Supreme Court the banning of Vice-President Atiku from contesting the 2007 Presidential Election on account of his indictment by a Presidential Panel and the EFCC; just to mention but a few of the landmark decisions.

That our judiciary has risen up to the challenge of democracy in this dispensation is indeed remarkable even though I personally disagree with many of its decisions. But that is beside the point. Agree or not, the fact of the matter is that the judiciary has demonstrated its independence without a shadow of doubt, which is testament to the fact that our democracy is live and well. A healthy and robust judiciary and the press is evidence of a healthy democracy. And this is without prejudice to the charges that our democracy has yet to deliver its ‘dividends’ in remarkable numbers.

What is more remarkable however is the penchant of opposition politicians in Nigeria to applaud the judiciary to high heavens each and every time it hands down a ruling that is unfavorable to either the government or the ruling party, the PDP, even in matters that are purely internal to it. Whether it was Governor Celestine Omehia being yanked off the Government House in Rivers State and replaced by another PDP man who never contested the election in the first place, or Senator Araraume of Imo State being given the green light by the court to fly his party gubernatorial flag, the opposition made it its business to gleefully applaud the judiciary to high heavens for overruling the ruling party in its internal affairs. On such occasions we have heard the Nigerian judiciary being described by members of the opposition in superlatives terms such as “courageous and fearless” “last hope of the common man,” “pride of the nation,” and the “bulwark of democracy” just to mention but a few of such unsolicited praises by the opposition.

With a raft of favorable rulings by the judiciary on its side, the opposition literarily swooned and worshipped at the court of the judiciary. It would rush to the judiciary at the drop of a hat knowing it would obtain a favorable ruling to the extent that it appeared that the Nigerian judiciary had been hijacked by the opposition to serve its partisan political interests. It got to a point that ex-Vice President Atiku, who prided himself as the leader of the opposition, literarily relocated his office from the presidency to the superior courts where he worshipped at the feet of the Justices of the Court of the Appeal and the Supreme Court in his endless battle with his boss for political survival in the name of “defending democracy.” That litigious predilection on the part of the opposition has continued to this day and constitutes the greatest threat to our young democracy which badly requires some breathing space live, grow, and mature without being subjected to constant stress.

However, the hitherto melodious ‘Songs of Praise’ for the Nigerian Judiciary orchestrated and rendered by the opposition choristers have suddenly turned to vicious attacks on the judiciary by the same opposition. Why the sudden u-turn? It’s because the Court of Appeal, doubling as the Presidential Election Tribunal, had the audacity to deviate from its long tradition of handing down favorable rulings for the opposition and instead gave judgment to Yar’Adua as duly elected! What a “travesty of justice!” railed the opposition. The Justices of the Court of Appeal have been “bribed!” it charged.

Overnight, stories of bribery sprouted from the oversized rumor mills. Each time the Federal Government and/or the PDP obtain a favorable ruling from the courts a rash of attacks is unleashed on the judiciary and the particular judges concerned, by the opposition, joined of course by its comrade in arms—the Nigerian Labor Congress. And before you say Jack Robinson!—the Agbakoba-led NBA and the so-called civil society groups have jumped in to side with the opposition to condemn the judiciary for daring to rule against it. But there are no charges of bribery when the Judiciary rules in favor of the opposition. There is no opposition outcry about ‘travesty of justice’ when it obtains a favorable ruling from the judiciary. The judiciary is ‘corrupt’ only when the opposition loses its case to the ruling party or the presidency as the case may be.

Which makes one wonder what manner of opposition we have in that country called Nigeria? Why is our judiciary the ‘best’ in the world when it gives rulings in favor of the opposition and the ‘worst’ in the world when it rules against it? Why are our judges ‘incorruptible’ when they rule in favor of the opposition but ‘bribed’ when they rule against it? Why is the Nigerian judiciary ‘a danger’ to democracy when it dismisses a petition by the opposition but a ‘bulwark’ of democracy when it upholds its petition? Or for that matter, why is our judiciary ‘courageous’ when the opposition wins a case and ‘timid’ when it loses its case? Are we dealing with true democrats or some impostors masquerading as democrats?

And come to think of it: how much democracy would a Buhari or an Atiku presidency, have bequeathed to the nation had either of them won the presidential election? The question can be answered by the way they run their one-man parties. How democratic is the internal workings of the ANPP before the election when Buhari was firmly in charge, and the AC, when Atiku was firmly in control? For starters, how democratic was the process that led to the emergence of Muhammadu Buhari and Abubakar Atiku as the presidential flag-bearers of the ANPP, and the AC respectively? How could autocratic opposition presidential candidates such as Buhari and Atiku, who brook no opposition whatsoever in their own parties, preach democracy to anybody in Nigeria? The reality on the ground is that the opposition parties are not nearly as democratic as the ruling party—PDP that they malign and criticize as anti-democratic. I stand to be challenged by a contrary opinion.

Fellow Nigerians, be wise to these politicians and their wily ways. We must pay heed to what’s happening in other lands even in our own backyards. This writer remembers vividly during the third term debate editors of THISDAY newspapers, led by Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi, Yar’Adua’s communication, director telling President Obasanjo to emulate President Putin of Russia who had publicly declared that he would not go for a third term. Putin was held up by Mr. Adeniyi and his editorial colleagues as the paragon of a democrat for not going for third term. Today Putin has secured a third term as Prime Minister of Russia while making his hand picked surrogate Dimitri Medvedev, President of the Russian Federation as figure head. If OBJ had followed the advice of Adeniyi and his colleagues he would have been Prime Minister of Nigeria today and enjoying his third term like Putin!

Another example is Kenya. Tidings from across Kenya have opened our eyes to the fact that an opposition candidate is not necessarily a better or more democratic just because he is in the opposition. Barely five years ago, President Kibaki of Kenya led a coalition of opposition parties against then unpopular President Arap Moi. Kenyans were swooning over his victory against Arap Moi because they were eager to get rid of Arap Moi and vote in the opposition at all costs. Cries of: “Change! Change!” rented the air in cities and towns across Kenya. Today Kenyans are causing the day they cast their votes for Kibaki and looking to bring in another opposition leader, Mr. Odinga, to replace Kibaki. They have refused to learn from their own raw history.

It has been said with much validity that those who refuse to learn from history are condemned to repeat it. That is the fate of Kenyans today. Thank goodness, it’s the one fate Nigerian can do without…!

How is the Nigerian judiciary doing? Try ask members of the opposition today. They will likely tell you that the judiciary has done well on the whole but it has recently “performed below expectation!” Prod them further by asking how so? They will readily cite the Court of Appeal ruling that declared President Yar’Adua duly elected in the last election. To them the judiciary has performed ‘below expectation’ for giving judgment to Yar’Adua rather than to Buhari and Atiku. It doesn’t matter if Atiku and Buhari could not prove their case at the Tribunal. It doesn’t matter if they did not claim to have won the election and only wanted to be given another chance to re-contest the presidential election at public expense. It doesn’t matter whether it would be in the public interest for electoral losers who could not prove their allegations of rigging in court to be given another chance to re-contest elections at public expense. If every litigant who loses a court case should be given a second chance to re-litigate the same issues there will be no end to cases. Thank goodness, our jurisprudence frowns at re-litigation of decided cases by losing parties. The same holds true for electoral contests in order to bring finality to the democratic processes and move the nation forward save in proven cases of gross improprieties.

Therefore members of the opposition need to be educated to the effect that the Nigerian judiciary is not the judicial arm of the CNPP, AC, or ANPP. It is not and should not be beholden to the government of the day nor to any political party whether in government or in opposition. That the PDP which is the ruling party and the Federal Government have suffered and continue to suffer judicial reverses since the time of OBJ till date, shows that the Nigerian judiciary is not at all beholden to the ruling party or the Federal Government. Why then must it be beholden to the opposition and attacked when it rules against it and praised when it rules in its favor? Why is it that it’s only the opposition that is always attacking the judiciary whenever it loses a case? I have not for once heard the PDP mount an attack against the judiciary in the several cases it has lost to the opposition since the time of OBJ.

This anti-democratic attitude must stop forthwith or be stopped. We must not allow those who take delight in destroying the integrity of every public institution in the nation the way they did to INEC and Iwu, to determine our fate. Whoever calls himself a democrat must be prepared to respect the rulings of our courts favorable or unfavorable without seeking to impugn the integrity of the judiciary, needlessly. Our democratic institutions must not be allowed to be pulled down by political desperadoes and hack writers on their payrolls whose stock in trade is to destroy every public institution in the land when things do not go their way. Patriotism, while still a rare commodity in Nigeria, nevertheless imposes on every true citizen a duty to defend the integrity of our democratic institutions and proffer corrective measures whenever they are objectively and manifestly found wanting in any particular respects rather than seek to destroy them in pursuit of selfish agenda.

It’s not the role of the opposition to pull down the house if it fails to win elections. Opposition goes beyond winning elections to helping to build an enduring democratic culture and institutions. Pulling down democratic institutions does not help that process…When will the Nigerian opposition learn to respect our democratic institutions and processes including results of elections? That is the ultimate mark of a true democrat. It’s about time…!

Long live democracy in Nigeria!


Franklin Otorofani, Esquire (USA)
Contact: mudiagaone@yahoo.com


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